The Wine Festival at the Big Mosque in Bir el-Sabe

[The wine festival in 2012 in front of the Big Mosque of Bir el-Sabe. Image used with permission from Arab News in the Naqab.] [The wine festival in 2012 in front of the Big Mosque of Bir el-Sabe. Image used with permission from Arab News in the Naqab.]

The Wine Festival at the Big Mosque in Bir el-Sabe

By : Salah Mohsen

Although the Beer el-Sabe (Beer Sheva) Municipality and the local Islamic council eventually compromised and moved the tables selling wine at the Beer Sheva Wine Festival (see Adalah’s Letter to the AG: Stop the Wine Festival) outside of the Big Mosque courtyard, the festival created a general wave of angry reactions among the Arab public.  Arab Palestinian politicians and the Arab League condemned the decision to hold the wine festival in the Mosque courtyard for the past several years. The issue received wide coverage in the local and international Arabic, Hebrew, and English media throughout the last month. However, disrespect for the Big Mosque must be seen in the wider context of the general acceptance of desecration of Christian and Muslim holy spaces in Israel. The Big Mosque in Beer el-Sabe is one of hundreds of mosques, churches, and graveyards across the country the sanctity of which is violated.

In 2004, Adalah submitted a petition to the Supreme Court (Press Release: Adalah Demands Legal Recognition for Muslim Holy Sites), representing several religious leaders and local associations, to demand that the Ministry of Religious Affairs begin a program to preserve Islamic holy places in Israel in consultation with Muslim religious leaders, as is done with Jewish holy sites. Adalah argued that the Preservation of Holy Sites Law (1967) aimed to protect holy sites from desecration, prevent obstacles for religious persons from reaching the holy places, and from offending religious feelings. The law entrusts the Minister of Religious Affairs with overseeing the sites, in consultation with religious authorities and with approval from the Minister of Justice, and enacting special regulations to guard holy sites. The Minister of Religious Affairs has used his power since then to regulate Jewish holy sites only, naming them and creating regulations around them that include permitted and forbidden acts and the punishments for violation. 

But there are no rules and regulations around non-Jewish holy sites, therefore making it impossible to hold anyone who violates their sanctity accountable. The lack of regulation has led to the neglect of Christian and Muslim holy places, as well as discrimination against them in budget allocation. The Minister allocated funds for Jewish religious sites only, claiming that there are no regulations concerning Islamic holy places. 

The court rejected Adalah’s petition in 2009 upon the state’s pledge to allocate a budget of NIS 2 million to maintain Muslim holy sites. (Press Release: Supreme Court Rejects Adalah`s Petition Demanding Protection of Muslim Holy Sites Claiming That it is a “Sensitive Matter”) The court refused to demand that the state issue guidelines to various ministries in regards to the issue, reasoning that the naming of certain Muslim sites as holy “is sensitive.” In addition, the court ordered that the money for religious preservation be given to the Israel Lands Administration (rather than awarding it to the local Islamic Committees), which has not worked at all to preserve Islamic sites in the past 60 years but has at many points contributed to their desecration.  

The wine festival held in the courtyard of the Beer el-Sabe Mosque is proof of the need to impose regulations to defend Muslim and Christian holy places. The Beer el-Sabe Municipality’s misleading claim that the festival was not held in the courtyard of the mosque would not have been possible if clear and written regulations regarding activities in holy places were in place.

Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412